Olivia Wells: VMU is Destined for Great Things
Seeking to increase student awareness and participation in political life, to nurture tolerance and human rights and to analyze global problems, the United Nations Student Club was founded several years ago at Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas, Lithuania, eventually evolving into the Lithuanian United Nations Youth Association, LUNYA. This summer the association was recognized as an official member of the World Federation of United Nations Associations (WFUNA) and was invited to implement joint projects with Columbia University in New York, USA.
The head of LUNYA, Olivia Wells, is an American VMU student. She shared some of her impressions about the studies in Lithuania and Europe and discussed the youth association’s projects.
Why did you choose to study at VMU?
Majoring in Classics at University of Southern California brought me to Athens, Greece, where I spent a year studying abroad. I fell in love with Greece and Europe in general and decided that I wanted to continue my studies in Europe. While in Greece, I had made the decision to change my focus to international relations and human rights and felt that I would get more out of studying in Europe than in America. Additionally, even with scholarships, studying in the U.S. is ridiculously expensive and was becoming more and more difficult for me to afford. I also thought it would be unique to study international relations in a part of the world that I knew very little about – we don’t learn much about Eastern Europe in the U.S. (except as a monolithic bloc with historical ties to Russia).
What do you think about the quality of studies at VMU, the community etc.?
VMU really surprised me. Coming from a big school like University of Southern California, it’s nice to be in a smaller environment where students can develop meaningful relationships with teachers and the administration. Any place where you live or study is what you make of it. So, if you are an active student, VMU is a great school because the professors and administration are more than willing to work with you to help your projects come to life. There are a handful of really great professors that are already teaching there. My program at the Faculty of Political Sciences and Diplomacy is very new and it still has some kinks to work out. But the administration is very open to working with the students to find out what those kinks are and search for solutions.
Additionally, as Kaunas becomes more and more international, the opportunity to host international events with other universities and students from all over the world increases. Though they both still have some growing pains to go through, I think the city and the university are potentially destined for great things.
How did you decide to found the Lithuanian United Nations Youth Association (LUNYA)? Is this your project?
Actually, LUNYA evolved out of the United Nations Students Club (UNSC), which was an organization that I became involved with shortly after its founding. When I joined the club, there were a lot of internal problems and disagreements among its members, which meant it was not functioning properly. When I was voted in as the new president a few months later, we revamped the club and began actively pursuing new members and new projects, establishing ourselves as a successful student organization (and one of the most active on campus). VMU took notice of our enthusiasm and outreach and decided to work with us to take the club one step further – thus began our cooperation with the United Nations and our transformation into the association we are today.
Why do you think this organization in VMU is so important for Lithuania? And why is LUNYA important in Europe?
Through LUNYA we hope to put Lithuania on the map of youth organized EU-wide events. There are not many youth organizations in Lithuania hosting or attending large-scale EU events. There are also not many large-scale youth organized events taking place in Lithuania. We hope to fill this gap by developing and promoting EU-wide events (such as transnational Model UNs, Youth Forums, and various other symposiums) that would be hosted here and sending students from Lithuania (international and Lithuanian) to represent this country in events throughout Europe.
Is LUNYA an official member of the World Federation of United Nations Associations (WFUNA)?
Yes. As of July 2016, LUNYA is an official member of the WFUNA – representing the youth wing of the United Nations Lithuanian Association. I had a meeting at the United Nations with the youth program officer of WFUNA to finalize the agreement and talk about future projects. On our page on WFUNA’s website, you can read about our current projects, our strengths as an organization, and our potential future projects – one of which is organizing an annual Baltic Model UN, which we are hoping to implement in spring 2017.
When you were in Lithuania and participated in various debates and conferences, in your opinion, what problems are important to Lithuanian youth?
Lithuanian youth tend to be most concerned with political issues having to do with Russia, Eastern Europe, regional security, etc. Given Lithuania’s geopolitical history, these concerns make sense. And while LUNYA has hosted several events focused on these topics (and will continue doing so), we also believe it’s important to talk about other pressing issues occurring in Europe and around the world – in an effort to promote understanding and tolerance.
One thing we have noticed is that the majority of students that attend our events are international students. Lithuanian students seem more reluctant to spend time attending extracurricular events, unless they are receiving class credit for their participation. We are currently brainstorming how to get more Lithuanian students involved in our projects.
Can you tell us more about future joint activities between LUNYA and Columbia University in New York? How can VMU professors and students participate in this project?
The Editor and Programs Director at the Council for European Studies (CES), Katrine Øgaard Jensen, reached out to me recently to discuss collaboration with LUNYA. CES is the leading international organization for the study of Europe and works in conjunction with Columbia University. Katrine was familiar with our work and asked if we would be interested in collaborating with CES on a new project. CES is planning on publishing a blog and they want LUNYA and VMU to be the primary contributors to it. It’s a great way for students and professors at VMU to have their work published by a well-known and highly regarded. We have not finalized the collaboration yet, but are very excited about the future prospects.
In your opinion, how can VMU contribute to global education and sustainable development?
VMU can contribute by continuing to work with student organizations to host events that raise awareness of these issues. I think these events are the key to engendering a culture of tolerance and understanding among Lithuanian youth. One thing I would like to see is sending students to more international events that have to do with global education, sustainable development, and human rights. The benefit of VMU students attending these events is two-fold: the students would gain indispensable knowledge that they could then impart on their fellow students upon their return and the students can act as ambassadors to promote Lithuania and VMU abroad.
What about your future plans, will you return to Lithuania? Will you continue LUNYA projects and activities?
I will continue working on LUNYA projects until the end of this academic year when I graduate in the spring, at which point I imagine I will still be involved with the organization remotely. I am working closely with Lithuanian correspondents at the UN to continue expanding and building on LUNYA’s past work, and I hope by the time I leave the organization we will be established well enough for the next president to take over easily.
As for my future plans – I will be working with the U.S. Embassy in Athens, Greece this spring and the refugee/immigrant NGO, Praksis, while writing my bachelor’s thesis. I hope to then work as a Fulbright scholar for the 2017/2018 academic year, after which I will pursue my master’s degree in Europe. Even though I will most likely not pursue a master’s degree in Lithuania, I plan on retaining my ties to the country for many years to come.
VMU Deeply Shaken by Loss of Prof. Leonidas Donskis
The community of VMU as well as the entire country have been deeply shaken by a great loss: we are mourning for Professor Leonidas Donskis, a respectable and beloved colleague, friend and academic, and one of the most prominent thinkers of Lithuania. Professor Donskis was a philosopher, political theorist, historian of ideas, social analyst, political commentator and defender of human rights and civil liberties. He was a professor of Political Science and Head of VMU Academia Cum Laude at Vytautas Magnus University.
Professor Donskis actively participated in various academic and public activities; he was involved in the most important social and cultural processes of Lithuania and Europe and wrote books on the most topical issues of today. He worked in the universities and research centres of the USA, Great Britain, Sweden, Finland, Estonia and Italy; Bradford University in Great Britain (2011) and Valahia University of Târgovişte in Romania (2014) awarded Leonidas Donskis with an honorary doctorate. Professor Donskis authored 40 books and more than 500 articles for Lithuanian and foreign general and academic press. His Lithuanian and English works were translated into Portuguese, Danish, Estonian, Spanish, Italian, Korean, Polish, Romanian, Russian, Finnish, Swedish, Turkish, Ukrainian, Hungarian and German languages.
The public knew Donskis as the author and the host of a Lithuanian TV program for political and cultural debate ‘Be pykčio’ as well as a defender of human rights and civil liberties. In 2004, the European Commission awarded Donskis with the title of the Ambassador for Tolerance and Diversity in Lithuania.
In recent years, the scholarly interests of Professor Donskis had been mainly focused on philosophy of history, philosophy of culture, philosophy of literature, philosophy of the social sciences, civilization theory, political theory, history of ideas, and studies in Central and East European thought. He contributed tremendously to the cultivation of political and philosophical thought both in Lithuania and the world. The most notable recent works of Professor Donskis include The Great Europe. An Essay on the Soul of Europe, The Search for Optimism in an Epoch of Pessimism: Eastern European Prophecies and Premonitions (with Tomas Venclova), Stories from the Age of Oblivion, The Little Europe: a Map of an Aesthete, Liquid Evil: Living with TINA, Moral Blindness: the Loss of Sensitivity in Liquid Modernity (with Zygmunt Bauman).
Donskis received the Cross of Officer of the Order for Merits to Lithuania for his continuous work in Lithuanian cultural and art sphere, his reflections in articles, essays and books on hot-button topics and works that made Lithuania famous both in Europe and the world. Professor Donskis had also been awarded the Orange-Nassau Order Commander’s Cross. In 2013, the Mikalojus Konstantinas Čiurlionis Foundation and the Embassy of Finland awarded Professor Donskis the title of the Luminary for his role in strengthening friendship and cooperation between Lithuania and Finland.
In the European Parliament (term 2009–2014) Leonidas Donskis worked as a part of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe group (ALDE), which is the third largest political group in the Parliament. He was a member of the Development Committee and member of the Subcommittee on Human Rights and also a substitute member at the committee of Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. Professor Donskis also prepared EP Annual Report on Human Rights and Democracy in the World.
Conference “The dynamics of Polish-Lithuanian relations”
On 15-16 September the Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas together with the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Vilnius and the Polish Institute in Vilnius are organizing a conference dedicated to the 25th anniversary of the resumption of diplomatic relations between Poland and Lithuania “The dynamics of Polish-Lithuanian relations.”
The conference will be opened by Ambassador of Poland to Lithuania Jarosław Czubiński. Mr Paweł Kowal, PhD. former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and former Member of the European Parliament will give the introductory lecture. During the conference the results of research in sphere of dynamics of relations development in the fields of history, philology, political science, economics, sociology, social sciences and humanities will be presented.
In the framework of the conference, on 15 September (at 16.00) in the Valdas Adamkus Presidential Library-Museum in Kaunas (S. Daukanto 25 St) the presentation of the biography of the late Polish President Lech Kaczyński (“Prezydent Lech Kaczyński 2005-2010”, written by the Sławomir Cenckiewicz and Adam Chmielecki) will be held. The discussion – with participation of the author and many guests from Poland and Lithuania – will be focused on foreign policies of Poland and Lithuania during the terms of presidents Lech Kaczyński and Valdas Adamkus, particularly in the context of their active actions in the Eastern Europe. It will be also a good opportunity to recall the term of late President Lech Kaczyński, that was so tragically interrupted. Sławomir Cenckiewicz, PhD., Deputy Speaker of the Seimas Jaroslav Narkevič, Ambassador Žygimantas Pavilionis, PhD., Paweł Kowal, PhD. (tbc) and Dean of the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy Professor at Department of Political Science Šarunas Liekis, PhD. will take part in the book’s presentation and the discussion afterwards. The welcome speech will be given by Polish Ambassador Jarosław Czubiński and Professor Egidijus Aleksandravičius, PhD.
On 16 September (at 12.00) a panel titled „Poland and Lithuania after 25 years of resumption of their diplomatic relations – where are we now and where are we striving together? How can we contribute to a stable and prosperous Europe?” will be held. The Director Political Cabinet of the Minister FA of Poland Jan Parys, Political Director of the Ministry FA of Lithuania Rolandas Kačinskas, ambassador Vygaudas Ušackas, Giedrius Česnakas, PhD., Marcin Terlikowski, PhD. from the Polish Institute of International Affairs and Dean of the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy Professor at Department of Political Science Šarunas Liekis, PhD. will take part in the discussion. Panel discussion moderated by Andžej Pukšto, PhD.
The conference will be held in English. Programme of the conference.
Fulbright Experience
First of all, it is completely impossible to describe my Fulbright experience in few pages or in hundreds of pages. The reason is simple. Imagine that you have never tasted chocolate. You can read a bunch of books about chocolate, know the recipe and the smell of it, write a dissertation about it, but if you have never tried it, you will never know what actually chocolate is. Thus, even though I will try to do my best in these pages, I do not have enough words to explain it to anyone.
The most important reason why I have applied for the Fulbright, of course, was my research. This experience exceeded my expectations. I have done a lot of interviews (for the record and off the record, formal and informal) with think tank experts and governmental officials (the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Brookings Institution, the Department of State, to name a few). However, the most memorable interview for me was with an expert from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. We had to reschedule our meeting for 4 times. I have to admit I was upset about that. One time I was already close to the Institute when I received a message from his assistant that we have to reschedule. Again! It was more than an hour distance for me to go to the Institute with an awfully slow Washington’s public transport. I thought that this man was probably very arrogant or something and, at the same time, I was justifying him: “Well, he worked with Madeleine Albright and John Kerry, so he probably has a right to be arrogant.” But when I actually have met him, it was a good lesson for me. He was so humble, he apologized to me like dozens of times for the rescheduling and gave me sincere, smart answers to the interview questions. I felt incredibly inspired on that day and embarrassed that I was thinking like that about this intelligent man.
Another interesting experience for me was the bond that I have made with my host university, American University (AU) and, especially, School of International Service (SIS). I was introduced with hard-working and talented doctoral students by my advisor Prof. Boaz Atzili. He was so kind while helping with my project and now our academic relationship continues. One of the memorable meetings at AU was the first consultation with Prof. Patrick Thaddeus Jackson, who is also an Associate Dean in SIS. While I was waiting for a meeting with the professor, I saw the quote on the wall: “It is a mark of an educated mind to be able to entertain a thought without accepting it” Aristotle. I thought to myself that it could be any university’s primarily goal. After an hour of talk with the professor my first thought while walking out of his office was: “Oh my, this man knows how to entertain a thought.” He is a fabulous, creative and sharp-minded academician. I was privileged to attend doctoral seminars of Advanced International Theory that was taught by him and Prof. Ann Tickner. This class expanded my knowledge on theory. I have started raising questions that I have never even thought about. Those questions I have also discussed with another extraordinary professor, Associate Dean Rosemary Shinko, who is a well-known theorist in International Relations field who gave a lot of advice for my research.
Working on my dissertation for hours in the library was also a part of the experience. Maybe not the most fun part but, still, a very important one. The vision of my dissertation has changed, including the title which now is „The Nexus between Knowledge and Action in the U.S. Foreign Policy: the Role of Think Tanks in the Construction of “the Middle East”. Many new ideas floated into my dissertation after hours of work.
Another thing that I have to discuss is, of course, a very important mission of every Fulbrighter which is being an informal ambassador of your country. Spreading the knowledge about Lithuania was sometimes not planned in advance. Talking with strangers actually was a big part of it. Everyone knows, that academicians and doctoral students or master students are already knowledgeable people. Most of the time they know at least geographical location of Lithuania. On the other hand, people that start to talk with you on the bus, in the coffee shop or gym are not always that well introduced with World’s geography and cultures. I will give you an example. I was attending a gym close to my home and most of the time I was wearing Lithuania’s national basketball team’s T-Shirt. On purpose. It was actually my roommate’s advice who thought that it would be a good way to spread the knowledge about Lithuania. So, it was a number of people who asked me about the T-shirt and that is how they were introduced to Lithuania and its people. On the flip side, I was surprised several times about people’s knowledge on Lithuania. For instance, I have met an Alumni from AU who is from China and he is learning…Lithuanian! Another person that I have met on the metro was asking me about the political situation in Lithuania and what is the state of Lithuania’s democracy. Being an informal diplomat of Lithuania was a fun and rewarding experience. Other experiences like volunteer day with other Fulbrighters, having a coffee with them seemed like a natural part of it but talking with Americans and people from around the Globe who were curious about Lithuania was a very pleasant surprise for me. There were more surprises that are very precious and personal to me like going to the concert where the guitarist played who inspired me to play the guitar few years ago. After the concert I was not able to sleep all night because of the excitement. Those moments probably I will remember till the last day of my life.
In my personal statement while applying for this program I wrote that everything started because of the TV series the West Wing. While visiting memorials and having a tour in the White House and recognizing all the places that I have seen in this show, I was reflecting about how much I have changed since then. The Fulbright experience was like living in my teenage dream. So, here I am (What is that song?… “Here I am, this is me. There’s nowhere else on Earth I’d rather be…”): a girl who had nothing as a kid (sometimes even what to eat) is walking in the White House, shaking hands with people who contributed to the world’s history like Zbigniew Brzezinski or some others that I have seen in various think tank events. I wish that everyone could feel this sense of achievement.
In some regards, it was a challenging academic year. It was hard physically (I was super skinny and tired most of time) and psychologically, when I was missing home and my loved ones so bad that I wanted to buy tickets back to Lithuania. However, this sketch of my Fulbright experience demonstrates that this program is an opportunity to find your strengths that you have never noticed while being in your comfort zone. I encourage you to apply and share your Fulbright experience because, I bet, it will be different but still the one of the best adventures in your life.
More information about the Fulbright Program you will find in the website of Embassy of the United States of Lithuania: http://vilnius.usembassy.gov/resources/educational-exchanges2/fulbright-program2.html
For other countries’ citizens check out a website of the U.S. Embassy in your country.
Danguole Bardauskaite
Fulbright Program Alumni, American University, School of International Service
PhD Candidate at Vytautas Magnus University, Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy
VMU to Celebrate Start of New Academic Year
Students, lecturers and employees – all members of VMU community are invited to celebrate the start of the new academic year by participating in the traditional events of 1 September. They will conclude the introductory week dedicated to the welcoming of first year students.
As usual, festivities of 1 September will begin with the Holy Mass at the Kaunas Cathedral Basilica (1 Vilniaus Street) on 12 p.m. At 1.30 p.m. this will be followed by meetings of faculty communities with the first year students. International students will attend events of the Orientation Days organized by the International Office.
Later, everyone will be welcome to join in the festive parade, which will start at 2 p.m. from the Monument to Vytautas the Great (96 Laisvės al.). The meeting point of the international students is outside the VMU International Office’s building (27 S. Daukanto g.) at 2.10 p.m. International students are requested to come on time and take their country’s flag if they have it with them.
The final part of the celebration will begin at 3 p.m. in the VMU Great Hall (28 S. Daukanto g.): some of its most anticipated parts will be the VMU Rector’s greetings and the tasting of the big festive cake.
Notably, Tuesday 1 September is not only the day of festivities for the entire university, but also the first day of classes for BA degree students.
Program of Festivities on 1 September
| 12.00 p.m. | Holy Mass at the Kaunas Cathedral Basilica (1 Vilniaus Street) for the communities of Kaunas universities |
| 1.30–2.00 p.m. | Meetings of first-year students with faculty communities. |
| 2.10 p.m. | International students meet outside VMU International Office (27 S. Daukanto) before the festivities near the Monument to Vytautas the Great. |
MONUMENT TO VYTAUTAS THE GREAT (LAISVĖS AL. 96) |
|
| 2.30 p.m. | Start of celebration |
| 2.35 p.m. | Congratulations |
| 2.50 p.m. | Festive procession to VMU Great Hall |
VMU GREAT HALL (S. DAUKANTO G. 28) |
|
| 3.00 p.m. | Start of event. National anthem of Republic of Lithuania |
| 3.10 p.m. | Speech by VMU Rector Prof. Juozas Augutis |
| 3.20 p.m. | Freshmen’s oaths |
| 3.25 p.m. | Congratulations |
| 3.50 p.m. | Gaudeamus Igitur (student anthem) |
| 4.00 p.m. | Festive cake of September 1st |
Public lectures by Alpo Rusi
19-23 September, public lectures by prof. Alpo Rusi, visiting professor at Vytautas Magnus University, will be held.
Prof. A. Rusi served in the Foreign Ministry of Finland in several assignments (Hamburg, Copenhagen, New York, Bonn), and from 1994 to 1999 as foreign policy adviser to the President of Finland Martti Ahtisaari. He also served as EU Coordinator for the Sarajevo Summit 1999 and deputy Coordinator of the Stability Pact for Western Balkans in 1999-2000. He worked as professor of International Relations, 2000-2003, at Lapland University and in Hamburg. Later on 2007-2009 he was senior adviser in the Cabinet staff of the President of the UN General Assembly.
A. Rusi was from 2009-2014 the ambassador of Finland to Switzerland, with accreditation also to Liechtenstein and the Holy See. A. Rusi is a recognized scholar in the field of international relations and history of Finland, and has published several books in Finland, and in the United States and Great Britain.
| Date | Place | Title of the lecture |
| 19 September 16:30 | Gimnazijos g. 7 – 206 | The UN System within the global change |
| 20 Septermber 13:15 | Gedimino g. 44 – 202 | The conflict between the West and Russia – repercussions in the Baltic Sea Region and in the global international order |
| 21 September 11:15 | Gedimino g. 44 –202 | EU and Turkey. What‘s next? |
| 22 September 11:15 | Gimnazijos g. 7 – 411 | After Brexit. The future of the EU |
A. Rusi. European Energy Security
Prof. Alpo Rusi, a visiting professor at Vytautas Magnus UniversityE
European Energy Security – Is the EU too weak to compete with the Energy Companies and to contain Russian geopolitical pressure based on energy interdependence? Nord Stream 2 is a case in point.
My intention is to introduce a couple of viewpoints on European energy security mainly in light of Russia’s new confrontational approach towards Ukraine and the West. As stated in the introduction of the theme of this panel ”it is not surprising that the debate about energy security in the European Union is pushed forward” in order ”to find reliable sources of alternative supplies for limiting of energy blackmail”. My question is also whether the EU is too weak to compete with the Energy companies and too weak to contain Russian geopolitical pressure based on energy interdependence? Additionally, Nord Stream 2 is a case in point.
Europe is not anymore divided as during the Cold War but there already exists an identifiable political and military dividing line between Europe and the Eurasian states controlled by the Russian federation. The economic structures of the post-Soviet economy made it difficult, even impossible to integrate Russia into the European institutions. The question was not about the lack of political will but about history and geopolitics. Schock therapies or other quick methods failed to reform post-Soviet Russian economy. Nationalism replaced communist ideologue as a unifying force and a vertical power system regionalization.
Furthermore, Russia has an interest to push its sphere of influence westwards.”To end up the breaking of Russia”. Contrary to other BRIC countries, Russia displays a propensity to use force to achieve its strategic objectives. The neighboring states of Russia are targets of an advanced hybrid war including direct military threats. Instabilities have reached The Baltic Sea Region but much less in case the Nato enlargement would not have covered the Baltic states.
One of the key tactics to promote Russian geopolitical interest is energy interdependence. Since the vertical Putin system was established during his first term as President, natural gas, even more than oil, became perhaps the most powerful tool of foreign policy. Oil trades freely, gas requires fixed pipelines. The network of pipelines, dating to the Soviet era, gave Russia clout and, with rising energy prices, Putin understood early 2000, that it constitutes the core of Russia’s power. Ukraine, through which most of gas passed, had to be firmly nestled in Russia’s geopolitical embrace.
In the early summer 2005 Gazprom took over with a direct involvement of Putin a major private oil company Sibneft with the cash of 13 billion dollars from the funds of the state’s coffers. Putin controlled the company by picking loyal friends to run it at all levels. Gazprom became one of the largest corporations in the world and a powerful arm of Russian foreign policy from Asia to Europe. By strengthening Gazprom, Putin aimed at strengthening Russia’s geopolitical reach to regain after the collapse of the Soviet sphere of influence.
The construction of the longest underwater natural gas pipeline, Nord Stream 1, was launched already 1997 when Gazprom and the Finnish Neste (later on Fortum) formed a joint company North Transgas, later Nord Stream for the construction of a gas pipeline from Russia to Northern Germany across the Baltic Sea. The project was strongly facilitated by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder who had approved one billion loan to Gazprom two weeks before the elections in September 2005, but it took until November 2009, before the Swedish and Finnish authorities gave a permit to lay the pipeline from Viborg to Greifsfald of 1,222 kilometers in their exclusive economic zones. A consortium made up of Russian Gazprom and energy companies E.ON, BASF/Wintershall, OMV, ENGIE and Royal Dutch Shell was created for the Nord Stream 2 project, slated to expand the existing Nord Stream pipeline with current capacity of 55 billion cubic meters.
Nord Stream 1 that was operational in the autumn 2011, and the parallel pipeline the following year had two immediate goals: (1) to bypass the old Soviet pipeline network through Ukraine, Belarus and Poland, and (2) to increase Europe’s dependency on Russia. The project was called by Polish defense minister ”the energy version of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact”. For many others is was only a major business deal. In Finland it was even considered that it will strengthen stability in the Baltic Sea because both Germany and Russia were committed to stability for the sake of the pipeline. In 2016 a high share of gas supplies going from Russia to Europe has to pass through Ukraine. Nord Stream 2 is scheduled to be constructed by the end of 2019 which is the same year as the contract between Russia and Ukraine expires.
The war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008 was seen by many as an intense geopolitical contest over the flow of Caspian Sea energy to markets in Europe. The former Prime Minister of Finland, Paavo Lipponenannounced a few days after the war in Georgia that he had signed a contract to become a consultant for Nord Stream in order to ”build bridges between the EU and Russia” and because the issue was comic ties, not politics although the Baltic states expressed strong worries about its security policy repercussions.
First a few words about the ongoing energy revolution and about the geopolitical transition in the international system. With reference to the analysis of Professor Peter Lund of Aalto University, we experience an energy revolution at the moment. Old energy sources, like gas and oil, are loosing ground to new energy sources like solar energy and windpower. Russia’s oil and gas reserves are depleted by 2080. The driving force for this revolution is the threat of climate change, but also technology and opportunities it is offering for new jobs.
Lund estimates that by 2050 more than 50% of the energy sources needed are coming from solar energy and windpower. It is needed, however, approximately 50 trillion for investments to achieve these goals. Lund is paying tribute to the US, China,Switzerland, Denmark and Germany for their ambitious strategies to replace the old energy sources with the renewable and clean energy sources. In case professor Lund has predicted the future by and far correctly, the energy revolution may take place parallel with a major geopolitical transition too.
The European security system is fragile but the international order as well The conflict between Russia and the West, but also increasingly there exists a conflict between China and the West with geopolitical dimensions. It has been emphasized that the interconnected infrastructure of the global economy provides the battleground for so called connectivity wars and economic interdependence has been ”weaponized” accordingly, the supply cuts of gas by Russia and the increase of tensions in the South China Sea as examples of ”the connectivity wars”.
Could the EU limit the energy dependency on Russia , that is the most important external supplier of energy to the EU (30% of gas and oil import to the EU) and to develop a united energy community and energy foreign policy for the EU members states? For example Finland gets about 50% of its energy from Russian sources and out of which almost 100% of gas and 85% of raw oil and 12 % of electricity. No gas will come to Lithuania from Russia anymore and Lettland and Estonia follow the suit. This is a major achievement because in 2000 Lithuania was 100% dependent on Russian oil and gas and Lithuania had to use more Russian energy sources again due to the closing of Ignalia nuclear reactor between 2004 to 2009. The getting of rid of the Soviet era electricity transit network BRELL, will take at least one decade to be completed, but bio mass and LNG (liquefied natural gas)-terminal in Klaipeida are examples of the transition taking place in energy sector in Lithuania but also in Lettland an Estonia.
One of the most ambitious projects of the EU Commission is the Energy Union proposed by Donald Tusk when he was Prime Minister of Poland in 2015. The reason for this initiative was, not necessarily climate change but Russia’s cuts of gas supplies to Europe, once in 2006 and again in 2009. The annexation of Crimea by Russia made the establishment of the Energy Union for energy security a much more important goal.
Russia’s room for gas games is constrained by its own capacities, the gas strategies of other players, and the EU’s ability to project its regulatory power. One of the first victims of the annexation of Crimea was South Stream pipeline. Understanding the difficulties, Putin killed the project in December 2014. The sanctions hit hard the inner circle of Putin, like Gennady Timchenko, the owner of Gunvor, an oil trading company registered in Switzerland. He managed to sell all his shares just before the sanctions were introduced.
Vladimir Putin certainly believed that the price of oil would not fall so drastically as it did from the level of 147 (11.7.2008) dollars per barrel and it was believed that the days of affordable oil were over. In December 2008 the price of oil dropped to 32,40 dollars level per barrel being somewhere between 35 to 50 dollars per barrel in 2016. No surprise that Putin accused Washington for the finance crisis of 2008, but for sure he did not predict the collapse of the price when went to war in Georgia. In the US Dept of Energy predictions the price of oil has been estimated in three scenarios: (1) 200 dollars, (2) 130 dollars and (3) 50 dollars.The last one may be closer to the truth which is a catastrophic scenario for Russia.
Since the annexation of Crimea and the sanctions set up against the Russian companies, banks and individuals by the EU and the US, Russia has both intensified its aggressive foreign policy but also improved its economic relations with China and all countries that can avoid punishments by the EU and the US. Presidents Putin and XI have criticized US unilateralism, stepped up their military cooperation and signed major energy deals, like 400 billion dollars Power of Siberia Gas pipeline project. Mongolia managed to get rid of their huge debts by signing an energy contract with Russia. Russian ”oil diplomacy” still plays a role in Asia.
A case in point is the planned gas pipeline Nord Stream 2. The question is whether the plan would contradict the plans of the European Commission. The decision should be taken in the early autumn of 2016 and the construction completed by 2019.
- What kind of an impact will Nord Stream 2 have on the European energy security?
- What are the commercial, legal, and political-policy issues that could potentially prevent the pipeline from being built?
- Is Nord Stream 2 pipeline a geopolitical project that seeks to diminish Ukraine’s gas supply and its role as a transit country for Russia or is Nord Stream 2 a business plan that will help Europe meet its energy demands amidst European Union’s climate change goals?
The Nord Stream 2 has become a very divisive issue inside the EU and the transatlantic community. Within the EU solutions are being sought to prevent Nord Stream 2 from dividing the union into losers and winners. In the Baltic states it is considered as a geopolitical tool and as a bad business deal. In April the Swedish-Estonian community published a resolution in protest of Nord Stream 2 for security reasons. At least the EU has been able to say to Russia that ”comply with our laws and sell as much as you can in our market”. However, this has not solved the political problems. The US administration is skeptical of the argument that the pipeline is a commercial project, pointing out that the existing Nord Stream is not running at full capacity and it could kill LNG-strategy of the Energy Union based mainly on the US reserves.
The timing of Nord Stream 2 is certainly not good. However, energy policies are not based on short term interests. In the early 1980s chancellor Helmut Schmidt pushed a pipeline project forward with the Soviet Union against the objection of Ronald Reagan. Schmidt did not want the Soviet Union to increase its geopolitical influence in Western Europe, but both for the long term consolidation with Moscow as well as for energy security for Western Europe. Today the EU is dealing with the similar kind of problem although the diversification of energy sources are not pushing Europe to the brink of scarcity as it was the case in the 1980s. Prices of electricity may rise, but this does not lead to shortage shocks of energy as it was the case during the oil crises in the 1970s.
In Europe the business community is not unified on Nord Stream 2. One can agree that the commercial and political issues cannot be separated regarding Nord Stream 2. In German business as well as political community in particular they emphasize the need to let the markets fix and support Nord Stream 2. Especially the Social Democrats are advocating the project also for political reasons.
One of the most critical arguments has been expressed by a Swedish scholar Anders Åslund. In his view the EU Commission is too weak to check the big European energy giants and they are now colluding with Gazprom to build a completely unnecessary pipeline to beat Ukraine and get oligopoly with higher prices for European consumers. The EU is not sharing this criticism but insists to keep Ukraine as one of the key transit routes for gas in the future too.
Although oil and gas may loose their attraction in the longer term, Russia is an energy power in the field of nuclear energy and in the search of new territories for energy, like in the Arctic, as part of its geopolitical enlargement strategy. Rosatom has invested to Fennovoima, a Finnish company, to build a new nuclear reactor to Pyhäjoki. The chairman of the Green party Ville Niinistö has criticized the project as a new sign of finlandisation.
Finland will chair the Arctic Council next year and Finland would like to chair the summit for the Council members. Let us hope that this afford would stop militarization of the Arctic.
Conlusions:
1. The short-term question for Europe should not be how to break energy bonds with Russia, but how to limit the damage caused by the Russian aggressive strategy to weaponize energy interdependence. Nord Stream 2 should not be implemented in case no real political unity achieved inside the EU on the project. In particular Finland and Germany should reconsider their business first approach in supporting of Nord Stream 2 in case the Baltic states and Sweden are against.
2. Taking into consideration the ongoing energy revolution and Russia’s problems in the longer term, the EU, for the sake of its energy security, should invest still more effort in finding alternative sources of energy to make itself less dependent on Russian gas. Here again a Baltic-Nordic co-operation is needed for the control of electricity prices as for example Sweden is closing its nuclear reactors and the dependence on Russian gas diminished.
3. The Arctic should be safeguarded from geopolitical competition and for environmental reasons.
4. Energy security needs to be better integrated to an overall security strategy of the EU taking into consideration hard security (geopolitics), energy revolution as well as soft security (i.e. environmental factors). Consequently, I would like to raise the question whether there exists a conflict of interest after the annexation of Crimea by Russia that two former heads of the governments of the EU are involved as well paid experts in Nord Stream 2 project. President Vladimir Putin can be identified as the real initiator of Nord Stream pipelines also for geopolitical interests of Russia.
EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION | POLITICAL DIALOGUE & ANALYSIS
Conference of the Working Group of Young Foreign Policy Experts in Stockholm
May 26, 2016, 17:30-19:00
Stockholm, Sweden
First Hotel Norrtull
Sankt Eriksgatan 119
Public lecture of an energy security expert
Dr. Tomas Vlcek, an expert of energy security from the Czech Republic will give lectures on nuclear dimension of energy security and activities of Russian nuclear company in Central and Eastern Europe on 12-15 September, at the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy.
Dr Tomas Vlcek is a specialized researcher at the International Institute of Political Science and lecturer at the Energy Security Program, International Relations and Energy Security Centre at Masaryk University. He is a member of the academic association Czech Nuclear Education Network. His academic interests include the energy security of the Czech Republic and Central and Eastern Europe, especially in relation to the nuclear and electricity sectors. He wrote his Doctoral dissertation on the Druzhba pipeline and alternatives to Russian crude oil supply for the Czech and Slovak Republics.
Dr. Tomas Vlcek will give the following lectures:
12 September, 13:15, Gedimino st. 44 – 202 – “Crude Oil Infrastructure Alternatives in Central Europe”.
12 September, 15:15, Gimnazijos st. 7 – 101 – “Nuclear Energy in Central and Eastern Europe and the Operation of Rosatom State Nuclear Energy Corporation”.
13 September, 13:15, Gedimino g. 44 – 203 – “Rosatom in Central Europe – a Putin’s Hand or Effective Company?”
Facing the Storm – Two Years in the Tusk Cabinet
September 5th, 2016 (Monday) at 1:15 PM at the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy (Gedimino st. 44 – 202) a public lecture by the Deputy Head of the Cabinet of the President of the European Council Donald Tusk André Gillissen on the subject “Facing the Storm – Two Years in the Tusk Cabinet”. During the lecture guest will present how the Cabinet of the President of the European Council Donald Tusk operates, what challenges the Cabinet faces and how they deal with them.
The Cabinet of Donald Tusk faces unprecedented challenges for the European Union: BREXIT and leading the European Union while trying to map future of the organization accepted by all member states; migrant crisis because of the instability in the Middle East and work with heads of states to deal with it; Russia’s invasion in Ukraine, annexation of Crimea and the EU response to Russia’s actions when searching for solidarity.
Call for papers to Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review
Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review (LFPR) calls for papers. Send your manuscript to the editor at editor@lfpr.lt
LFPR is peer review journal which aims to publish research articles on foreign and security policy of small states and middle powers, especially focusing on Central Eastern European and Northern European regions. It is published twice a year in cooperation with the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy of Vytautas Magnus University. Financially, the journal is supported by Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, editorially, it is independent open access publication.
The Journal Publishes in both print and online version. For more information, visit the official website of the journal www.lfpr.lt.
